Defeat of Progressive Ecuador | Opinion

After defeat, there is always great interest in finding the culprits. However, more than names and titles, what really helps is an understanding of the multiple aspects of a complex political process such as the one in Ecuador. Here are some variables to understand why Andres Arause lost to Guillermo Laso (picture) 47.5 vs. 52.5 percent.

1. As I wrote at the end of the first round, the mobilization operations in October 2019 (against the IMF measures taken by the government of the Arab Republic of Egypt Lenin MorenoContinuing to leave an indelible mark on the political scene in Ecuador: They rearranged them with clear electoral results. The Indigenous movement is formed as a topic relevant to politics and able to compete in electoral matters. In addition to the diversity within it and the great disparities in the leadership, today it is the second force in the assembly and its presidential candidate, Yiaco Perez, It was 30,000 votes away from going into the second round. This also had its correlation on the ballot: they called the white / null vote and passed (nearly 2 million white / null votes). Everything that happens in Ecuador from now on, yes or yes, must take into account what is happening within the indigenous movement and, of course, what might happen in the upcoming elections at the beginning of May. To the Presidency of Kunai (Federation of Indigenous Nationalities). It wouldn’t be as if Yaco Perez won than if he won Leonidas Isa. If the second wins, the Lasso will face fierce opposition in the Aboriginal sector.

2. The campaign was important. And the presidential debate as well. Andres, Don’t Lie Again, which Lasso released to Arouse midway through the debate, was effective in terms of the compassionate and charismatic “Drop M,” which left the apparent frivolity, concealed a successful strategy: cutting Arouse’s credibility. In addition to this axis, Lasso manages to show himself as what he is not. He hardly spent time on his proposals. He avoided any possibility of distraction in his letters (they were repetitive even boring). He focused all his attention on “hunting” the majority of the electorate Xavier Hervas (Who scored 16 points in the first round) and part of what the other candidates achieved (13 points). And he achieved it. In addition, he added a greater dose of epic to his campaign on the basis of “The Return”. This contrasts with the Araws campaign, which is more flatter and confident, and had two drawbacks: On the one hand, it was believed that the finish line had been reached. After overcoming all obstacles in order to obtain candidacy registration (For everything he has suffered until then) rather than as a starting point; On the other hand, the unexpected first round result left them paralyzed for more than a month. Downtime that cannot be easily regained in such a competitive election campaign.

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3. The front is a real front only when it consists of different parts. You cannot make a couple with yourself. Coresmo tried, but was not able to achieve it at any time. From the start, this idea, the need to expand, was not entirely real and sincere. The relic of Lenin’s betrayal was an impediment to this goal. Lack of confidence always goes against the desire to add new actors. CorreĆ­smo ended up in essence and that was enough to be the first force in the first round, but not to win the second round.

4. Unpaid relay game. Succession is not a trivial matter, neither in life nor in politics. It is an issue within progressive Latin America in the twenty-first century that still has little sample to draw strong conclusions. Each operation was performed on its own way: Cristina with Alberto, Evo with Ars, and in the Ecuadorian case we were the second. RoundKorea with Arrowz. This is a stage full of complications because it is not exempt from the pseudo-Gramscian dialectics, because the unified leadership coexists with another in the birth stage. If this happens at election time, everything becomes more difficult. And it doesn’t always work out. This time, given the promises, it was not as virtuous as it could have been.

5. The double edge of the war. there was. Coresmo suffered to the extreme. Correa could not appear as a candidate and many legal cases were opened with and without judgment, but all without foundation. In addition, a large portion of its leaders are exiled, and almost all of them are prosecuted. All this happened, although it is not possible to explain everything based on this process. If there is a problem (in this case, the the war) As a monopoly argument, and one then risks amplifying it, believing that everything, absolutely everything, can be explained from this point of view. The the warI insist that there is, yes, it is a matter of great importance, but by looking at it in a unilateral way, it can atrophy the ability to notice the polyhedra of a phenomenon. (Incidentally, the detailsCitizens generally do not eat breakfast the war.)

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6. The influence of Lenin. As paradoxical as it may sound, a remarkable percentage of citizens still blame Korea for the infamous Moreno government. It is a paradox because President Moreno shared his rule with Laso And persecuted non-stop by CorreĆ­smo. However, there was a majority of voters who assumed that Lenin was, in part, a “continuity” of the Coresmo.

7. Do we know the poor class? The term middle class can be useful in a geographical area and historical moment. But it doesn’t always work. If it is used excessively, it is very likely that a big mistake will be made: disharmony with the ambitious logic of the majority, with their shared senses, with their dominant language and symbols. Some of this is likely to happen in Ecuador: Arouse was concerned about these residents but, instead, made no connection with them As if he is allowed to win the elections.

Several other variables are needed to understand why Ecuadorian citizens choose to elect a banker as president (media, inconsistency in advertising spending, etc.). Everything will be decisive in what comes from now on. Lasso won the election in this second round, but his future will be largely conditioned on whether he ends up with “Macri’s disease,” that is, his belief that his political strength is commensurate with the votes he received in the second round. Confusing your own and your borrowed voices leads to you overestimating yourself, making you want to rule as if you had a majority. Nor. Lasso is the fifth powerhouse by number of seats in the Legislative Council, and nearly 9 out of 10 did not vote for him in the first round (he received only 15 percent of the total vote), possibly because he did not want an ordinary neoliberal. Government plan.

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Freddie Dawson

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