Behind the Scenes of 2×1: How the Supreme Court’s Most Outrageous Decisions Were Conceived | Suspicions of negotiations between Mauricio Macri and courtiers

a Statement before the dismissal committee started b Lifting the veil in the mode of setting the rule 2×1 Which benefited the repressor Luis Menia, one of the executioners who worked in the hospital of Alejandro Posadas during the last dictatorship. For Todos Front deputies, the verdict – which has led to the largest popular demonstration in recent years – was clearly a hit Sponsored by Carlos Rosencrantz, who was the Supreme Court most aligned with Mauricio Macri’s government And directly The friend of the operator, Fabian “Peppin” Simon RodriguezAs confirmed by one of the legal secretaries working in his office.

Frederick Morgenstern He is the legal secretary who handles criminal cases in Rosenkrantz’s office. “The only criminal,” repeated several times the lawyer who appeared last Tuesday before the committee evaluating whether his boss and three other bosses should undergo the dismissal process – among other issues, to sign the 2 x 1 ruling -.

He entered the Supreme Court on August 22, 2016, the same day that Rosencrantz arrived on the fourth floor of the Talcahuano Palace and was surprised with a request to publish a list of his staff with the university at the Center for Judicial Information (CIJ). The country where he was trained. Morgenstern spent a great deal of time in the Federal Chamber in Buenos Aires at the hands of Martin Eurozone, famous for the “Doctrine” that allowed Kirchner officials to be imprisoned without a final sentence. Before dedicating himself to law, Morgenstern had a passing stint at the University of Mothers, where he wanted to study journalism.

Exactly one year before he was due to go to court, Morgenstern filed his “Questioned Decision Fraud”—submitted by Rosenkrantz—in The Bar of Montevideo Streetthe city’s legal studies-gathering private entity that has always been Align with the claim of those challenging the trials for crimes against humanity. St College of Montevideo is also the one that pushed the ruling that ended with the coronation of Horacio Rosatti as President of the Judicial Council.

In an article published in May 2017, a few days after the Minya verdict was signed, Martin Granowski had already mentioned in this newspaper that it was Morgenstern who had introduced the decision. His appearance before the Political Governance Committee ended with his confirmation.

2 for 1 inside

Although it was not excluded from Skirmishes due to Kanshiro’s dialect and even the remains of the legal secretaryHowever, Morgenstern’s statement was important, as it was evaluated on the Todos front. As he himself affirmed, He began to be interested in the proposals of the oppressors a month after he landed in court.

It was the then criminal secretary, Esteban Canevare, who provided him with a list of genocide cases for whom they were asking for Law No. 24390 to be applied. The rule was approved in 1994 to deal with the prison overcrowding that existed at the time and what it did was start counting jail days twice if the detainee exceeded the two-year term without having a final sentence.

Morgenstern spent much of December 2016 and all of January 2017 working on the issue, which shows the interest he and his boss have in delving into a thorny issue.. By the time the exhibition was over, he submitted a report to Rosenkrantz in which he also analyzed the line other members of the Supreme Court were taking. “When I report to Dr. Rosenkrantz, part of my report is about how his colleagues voted in the past and why ultimately going in one direction or the other may or may not mean a break in the consistency of his jurisprudence.Morgenstern recounted before consulting the deputy Vanessa Seely who asked him.

After this report, The legal secretary went out to look for votes. He got it from the office of Elena Highton de Nolasco y de Rosatti. There were no reasons for any of the jurists to support the claims of the Qaims. Hayton joined the highest court during Nestor Kirchner’s government and, as such, went to the usual question the then-president put to all candidates: Did he think laws that prevented genocide victims from being prosecuted were unconstitutional? The judge said yes and voted on that basis. Rosati, for his part, was Kirchner’s justice minister when the battle was over over the unconstitutionality of those regulations that ended up allowing the reopening of trials of criminals of the last dictatorship.

Morgenstern met twice alone with Highton and once with Rosatti. He also held meetings with his legal secretaries as well as with Juan Carlos Maquida’s legal secretary. But he did not find an echo in that letter. Not in Riccardo Lorenzetti.

– Is it common for you or the legal secretary of committees to meet with ministers like this, in such circumstances, let’s say, privately? Have you met other ministers for other reasons and for other reasons? the deputy asked Rodolfo Telhadi.

–The usual is notMorgenstern answered.

after two axes, Morgenstern ended up admitting that after the 2-1 experience he never met alone again, neither with Rosati nor with Hayton. His response revealed the extraordinary nature of the Minya Governing Council, as they think of the Todos front. It is also likely that after all the headaches the ruling had brought them, neither Rosati nor Hayton were very interested in joining another campaign for Rosenkrantz’s legal secretary.

hypotheses

The Political Governance Committee think so Hayton changed his vote in his tenure on the court after the age of 75. The judge managed to convince the Macri government, which had initially refused to extend his stay in court, not to appeal the precautionary measure issued by Judge Enrique Lavier Picot. After Hayton managed to survive, the Court signed the Scheffrin ruling ordering all justices to be retired at the constitutional age.

In the case of Rosati, the official deputies dealt with the theory that what concerned him was the impeachment of Lorenzetti Presiding over the court, where the two men of Santa gather in old contempt. So it was part of the architecture that put Rosenkrantz on top of the highest court in September 2018, but he was neither slow nor lazy later, devising yet another maneuver to reduce the power he had as president.

During a recent hearing, the chair of the impeachment committee, Rep. Carolina Gillard, explained to Morgenstern what premise they were working on: That the Macri government was interested in favoring genocide and slowing down the trials and that it went looking for the executing hand in court.. At the time, both Macri’s Minister of Human Rights, Claudio Afroge, and the leader of the Civic Alliance, Elisa Carrillo, expressed their support for the establishment of the repressors. There were secret maneuvers by the Cambiemos government so that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) would receive organizations defending the oppressors while a section of the Church promoted a pro-reconciliation meeting. By then, unsurprisingly, Macri had campaigned saying human rights were “a job”. Far from being a blast, he’s been repeating it in recent days.

For the Todos Front bloc, negotiations with the court were left in the hands of the then Minister of Justice, German Garavano; his number two, Santiago Otamendi; Macri’s chief advisor, José Torello, and his friend Fabian “Pepén” Rodríguez Simón, a fugitive judicial operator in Uruguay.

It was Pepin who engineered Rosencrantz and Rosati’s accession to court with an appointment to a “committee” that ultimately did not materialize. Morgenstern ends up confirming what is known: that Rosencrantz and Pippin are friendsThat is why the judge had to excuse himself from intervening in a case. The frequent contacts he had with Rodríguez Simon mean that Rosenkrantz has to testify, some time ago, in the case in which the macrismo tightening of the owners of the Indalo group, owner of the C5N channel, is being investigated.

Other than palace secrets, the 2×1 ruling had a strong impact on the victims and their families. The survivor, Gladys Cuervo, told the commission that her knowledge of Minea’s benefit was the feeling her sternum was being beaten again, as did the posadas’ suppression while they were holding her hostage.

Zulema Chester—Jacopo’s daughter, also kidnapped by Minea and the mob who worked at the clinic—muses about what’s to come on the committee. he said “expectation” Page 12– For the court to change and administer justice. That they never again try to favor genocide and for denial to stop because there are 30,000.”